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Cops, Cartels, and the Collapse of Trust: Inside the SAPS Crisis
“We are dealing with a criminal syndicate that has infiltrated the state.”
When a provincial police commissioner accuses the police of taking orders from gangsters and calls the government a mafia state, you pay attention.
The Basics: What Did Mkhwanazi Say?
On the 6th of July 2025, KwaZulu-Natal’s Police Commissioner, General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, publicly accused Police Minister Senzo Mchunu of interfering with investigations into political assassinations, disbanding key SAPS units, and — brace yourself — accepting bribes from a murder suspect.
He claimed task teams were mysteriously shut down, dockets vanished, and a cartel operating out of Gauteng has deep ties to prosecutors, judges, metro cops and politicians.
And just like that, the conspiracy theories once laughed off suddenly had an official face: One in uniform.

Presidential Response: Suspend Now, Investigate for Six Months
President Cyril Ramaphosa moved quickly, at least by government standards. On 13th July, he addressed the nation with his now-famous “we are concerned, and we are convening” tone. He announced that:
Minister Mchunu was placed on “special leave”
A Judicial Commission of Inquiry was appointed, chaired by Justice Madlanga
He gave the commission six months to investigate the claims
Firoz Cachalia, legal academic and anti-corruption advocate, has been appointed as Acting Police Minister.
Yes, an academic now runs the police. No pressure.
Analysts responded: That’s another inquiry, another acting minister, and no arrests yet.
Parliament: “Hold Our Gavel.”
Not to be left behind, Parliament has set up its own ad hoc committee to investigate. They plan to call witnesses, hold public hearings, and determine whether Mkhwanazi is blowing the whistle or just blowing smoke.
This two-track investigation, led by both Parliament and a judicial commission, is rare but serious and raises concerns about the separation of powers. The executive, legislature, and judiciary are now all involved, pulling in different directions to salvage institutional trust.
In short, red lights are flashing across every arm of the state.
⚖️ Is This State Capture 2.0… or Something Worse?
Remember the Zondo Commission? That long, expensive, frustrating journey where we heard about billions stolen, emails leaked, and SOEs hollowed out?
This is worse.
Why? Because the rot isn’t just in procurement boards or dodgy contracts, it’s in the police, the courts, and the crime-fighting machinery itself.
Mkhwanazi's claims go beyond corruption. He’s saying SAPS leaders, prosecutors and judges are part of a criminal network, not just ignoring crime, but actively helping it thrive.
“If the General is right, we are no longer battling state capture. We are living in a mafia state.”
📉 Trust in SAPS: Somewhere Between Load Shedding and Home Affairs
You don’t need to be a statistician to know public trust in SAPS is low, but the HSRC’s July 2025 survey puts a number on it: only 22% of South Africans say they trust the police. That’s the lowest in over two decades.
This didn’t happen overnight. From Marikana to the 2021 unrest to Phala Phala, the police have been fumbling the bag and the evidence, with disturbing consistency.
The SAPS’s image has eroded for years. But this scandal, a police general accusing his bosses of sabotage and racketeering, may be the final blow to whatever legitimacy remains.
🧠 Final Thoughts: This Is What Constitutional Crisis Looks Like
Why should law students care? Because this isn’t politics, it’s a front-row seat to how constitutional principles are tested in real life:
Section 199(7) states that the police must act impartially, serving the law rather than their own political or personal interests.
Section 205(3) requires them to protect citizens and prevent crime, not decide which laws to enforce based on convenience or connections. Mkhwanazi’s allegations suggest these duties are being treated as negotiable.
However, this is bigger than SAPS, and it’s bigger than Mkhwanazi.
At its core, it’s about whether South Africa’s democracy still has the strength to investigate, prosecute, and hold itself accountable. If the answer is no, then we risk accepting a legal culture where scandal is routine, inquiry is endless, and consequence is optional.
Accountability begins not in courts or commissions, but in the quiet decisions of those unwilling to look away.
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